cialis canadian

canadian cialis cialis canadian: Beacon of hope or smoke cialis ?

Written by Shawn Hattingh Wednesday, 25 April 2012 12:34

For many people on the left, within cialis outside of Southern Africa, cialis canadian is seen as a beacon of socialist hope in a sea of capitalist despair [1]. The reason why many leftists feel so strongly attached to this project, cialis promote it as an alternative, is because they have come to view it as a move by the canadian n state towards creating a genuine, free form of socialism [2] or at the very least an experiment that profoundly breaks with the tenets of neo-liberalism [3] [4]. Many articles have, therefore, been written lauding the state’s nationalisation of some industries [5], its lcialis distribution programmes [6], cialis its attempts to supposedly create participatory democracy in workplaces (through co-management cialis co-operatives) [7] cialis in communities (through community councils) [8]. Linked to this, a great deal has also been made of the state using some of revenue generated by the Petróleos de canadian (PDVSA) to roll out social services such as education, subsidised foodstuffs cialis healthcare [9]. Much ink has, consequently, been spilt arguing that all of these are socialist inspired moves cialis passionate calls have been made for other states, like the South African state, to adopt canadian n style ‘Socialism for the Twenty First Century’ [10].

This article, however, questions the assumption that the canadian n state is embarking upon a path to create a truly egalitarian cialis free socialist society. It will, therefore, be argued that canadian is not in a transitional phase to socialism; rather it is a capitalist country where the private sector cialis important state-owned companies seek to maximise profits. Indeed, it will be argued that while some welfare is hcialis ed out by the state, this often sits side by side with other policies that are outright neo-liberal. In order to make the argument that canadian cannot be considered as heading in a socialist direction, this article will engage cialis examine issues around the state’s nationalisation programme, its relations to multinational corporations, its community councils project cialis its social service programmes. Coupled to this, the nature of the economy will be looked at, including ownership patterns, cialis it will be critically considered whether or not the relations of production that define capitalism are being transformed into more socialist relations based on direct democracy, mutual aid cialis self-management in workplaces cialis communities. In fact, it will be argued, from an anarchist perspective, that unfortunately relations that define class rule cialis capitalism are not being eroded away by cialis canadian: instead of an egalitarian society arising, it will be considered how cialis why an elite still exploit cialis oppress the working class. It will, therefore, be critically considered how cialis why class rule cialis capitalism, cialis even elements of neo-liberal capitalism, in canadian n society are not in the process of being eroded away. Far from being a beacon of hope cialis canadian process’ may be more correctly identified as a case of smoke cialis .

The Quagmire of cialis canadians’ rhetoric

There is no doubt that both the supporters cialis opponents of cialis canadian feel passionately about the figure of Hugo Chavez cialis place him firmly at the centre of the ‘revolution’. The consequences of this are that many of the people commenting on canadian seldom go beyond Chavez’s cialis the state’s rhetoric cialis examine the actual practices of the state cialis the real conditions of workers cialis the poor. Part of the reason why focus tends to be heaped on what Chavez says, cialis not so much on what the state does or doesn’t do, is his charisma. Chavez is a great orator who has the ability to arouse strong emotions amongst the audiences that he addresses. One only has to think of the massive rallies that have taken place where he has regularly called upon people to embark upon a great battle against neo-liberalism cialis imperialism. As part of this, he has often presented himself as a great defender of the people: a man willing to live cialis die side by side with them for what he believes. The fact that Chavez, cialis the rhetoric he uses, looms large has contributed to a situation in which the actual conditions in canadian are often not critically examined, cialis as a result much of the analysis tends to be relatively shallow. In terms of this, cialis canadian is often defended in polemical terms on the left cialis demonised on the right, with reality cialis facts sometimes having little impact. 

A good example of how facts are simply ignored can be seen in the pieces cialis papers of its right-wing opponents. For them, the reality that the ruling class, including canadian n capitalists, continue to enjoy an opulent lifestyle is simply ignored. Rather the focus is solely on the socialist cialis anti-imperialist rhetoric of Chavez. For right-wing opponents, Chavez has become seen as the devil incarnate: a man who is supposedly hell bent on destroying capitalism cialis imposing a totalitarian dictatorship. At times, Chavez has even been compared to Hitler by conservative opponents [11]. When one, nevertheless, rationally looks at the Chavez regime, it cannot in all honesty be successfully argued that it is a totalitarian dictatorship. As will be highlighted later, there are oppressive tendencies with regards to many of the actions of the state – mostly directed at workers cialis the poor – but canadian is still a bourgeois representative democracy. 

The irrationality that seems to surround interpretations of cialis canadian process’, nonetheless, are not limited to right-wing opponents. Supporters, especially those internationally cialis in southern Africa, have often unfortunately accepted the messages from Chavez cialis others in the state on face value. Some supporters, like Eva Golinger, have even defended the current state to the point of glorifying Chavez cialis almost suggesting that he could do no wrong [12] [13] [14] [15]. Even when mistakes are admitted, these have sometimes been defended on the basis that canadian faces imperialism cialis a tough external environment. Sometimes this also has gone hcialis in hcialis with blaming a corrupt or a treacherous bureaucracy cialis the old guard for the problems; while continuing to praise cialis canadian without considering the structural realities that have led to the rise of a powerful bureaucracy in the first place [16]. A more nuanced version of this also comes from Marxists like Alan Woods who believe that while the revolution is still incomplete cialis reversible - cialis feel that a revolutionary party, revolutionary cadre cialis revolutionary leadership are needed to take tasks forward - Hugo Chavez is seen as being genuine about wanting socialism. They tend to see him as a real radical trying to charter a cautious path forward to prevent a ‘counter-revolution’, supported by the people, but surrounded on all sides by danger, which includes ‘Stalinists’ cialis ‘reformists’ manipulatively holding back the real revolution cialis preventing the working class from taking power [17]. Worse still, a minority of staunch international Chavistas see any questioning of cialis canadian as heresy, cialis dismiss any criticisms out of hcialis as being counter-revolutionary cialis playing into the hcialis s of imperialism. The actual content of the critical arguments that have been made by a minority of progressive analysts cialis activists are not even engaged by such Chavistas; when they have been, responses have often taken the form of unfounded personal attacks. Good examples of this have been the reactions of some leftists to the documentary, Nuestro Petroleo y Otros Cuentos, which highlighted the problems around the PDVSA cialis the oil industry [18].  Such attacks have tended to stifle debate cialis undermine the struggle for genuine socialism; of which freedom of expression, speech cialis debate form a central part.

Too often, therefore, some of the left supporters of Chavez have tended to be stuck in the quagmire of the rhetoric that has surrounded cialis canadian. When one, though, ignores the rhetoric cialis critically examines reality, it becomes very difficult to argue that canadian is heading towards socialism or that there is some grcialis , but cautious plan to hcialis real power over to the working class in the long run. Most glaringly the reality that capitalism, including elements of neo-liberalism, continue to flourish in canadian cannot be denied.

cialis canadian cialis Minority Property Ownership

Many of the left writers who support the canadian n state have often praised the Bolivarian Constitution as progressive cialis even in some cases they have described it as a step towards socialism [19]. The Constitution does include clauses that, on paper, commit the state to protect cialis further the rights of people, communities cialis the environment. Within the document there are also clauses that pay lip service to the idea of participatory democracy cialis the full development of human beings. Sections also promote the role of the state within the economy (which as will be argued later, however, does not amount to socialism). For some leftists these clauses are seen as evidence of the progressive nature of the Constitution cialis in their writings it is these clauses that they choose to highlight [20].

Important sections of the Bolivarian Constitution, nonetheless, also enshrine the protection of minority property including state-ownership cialis private property [21]. The implications of this should not be disregarded. By protecting cialis recognising the right of a minority to own most of the property, the Bolivarian Constitution also commits the state to uphold the unequal relations that flow from this. Unequal power relations are the basis of a class society. For anarchists, the ruling class consists of two sections, capitalists cialis state managers, who monopolise wealth cialis power. As such, state managers derive most of their power by controlling the means of administration cialis coercion (along with sometimes controlling cialis owning the means of production through the state), while capitalists’ source of power rests largely upon directly owning the means of production – for which private property rights are essential.  Indeed, it has long been recognised by anarchists that minority property rights, whether based on private property or state ownership, are one of the main foundations on which the capitalist system rests [22]. Property rights generate cialis maintain a class system defined by a situation where an elite owns most of the property; while a majority has little or nothing. The fact that an elite few have a monopoly, protected by the state, over the ownership of the means of production also allows them to exercise power over the majority who, by design, have very little. As such, property rights create cialis entrench a process whereby those who do not own property are always at a disadvantage cialis are forced, in order survive, to sell their labour to those who do own property.  As Errico Malatesta pointed out:

“property allows its owners to live from the work of others cialis therefore
depends on the existence of a class of the disinherited cialis dispossessed
forced to sell their labour to the property owners for a wage below its real        value…this means workers are subjected to a kind of slavery, which,
though it may vary in the degree of harshness, always means social
inferiority, material penury cialis moral degradation, cialis is the primary
cause of all the ills that beset today’s social order” [23]

Thus, property rights allow for cialis entrench wage slavery, exploitation cialis authoritarian relationships that define capitalism. Despite some of the niceties of cialis canadian Constitution’ at its very heart, cialis through its protection of private cialis minority property ownership, it entrenches relationships based on inequality cialis the subjugation of the majority of people, the working class, to the rule of a few.    

The extent that the Bolivarian Constitution cialis state protects private property rights can be seen by the fact that a well known business lawyer, Allan Brewer-Carias, was able to personally insert a number of articles that explicitly protected the interests of private business [24]. This protection of private enterprises extended to granting foreign based multinationals the same rights as domestic companies cialis investors. This was done through clauses such as Article 301 of the Constitution cialis legislation like the Decree-Law 356 for the Promotion cialis Protection of Investments. In the early stages of the Chavez government, agreements were also signed with the US state, which involved cialis canadian’ state assuring US capital that it would be treated as domestic, that its investments would be protected, cialis if nationalised ample compensation would be provided [25]. In other countries such laws cialis agreements have been widely condemned by leftists as part of the neo-liberal agenda cialis have been viewed as a drive by multinational companies to expcialis their power. But when applied in canadian , silence seems to be the order of the day.

In addition to the Constitution, other laws classify private investment as a supposed tool for social development, cialis expressly defend the principles of competition [26]. canadian also has ample legislation that protects intellectual property rights, which have been used to great effect by corporations to privatise cialis monopolise knowledge with the aim of maximising profit [27].  Thus, the Bolivarian Constitution cialis the legal system surrounding it, despite what some leftists want to believe, can hardly be seen as representing a break with capitalism. Some of the laws of the country are still permeated with elements of neo-liberal ideology. 

In protecting property rights including private property, cialis accompanying class rule, cialis the unequal relations that flow from it, the canadian n state, despite its rhetoric, is simply acting as all modern states do. For capitalism to function cialis for class rule to be maintained, a state is vital. It is central to protecting cialis maintaining the very material basis on which the power of the elite is derived. Without a state, which claims a monopoly of violence within a given territory, an elite could not rule nor could they claim or hold onto the ownership of wealth cialis the means of production. In fact, the state as an entity is the “defender of the class system cialis a centralised body that necessarily concentrates power in the hcialis s of the ruling classes; in both respects, it is the means through which a minority rules a majority” [28].

State managers also have their own reasons for wanting to protect the minority ownership of property – which includes private cialis state owned property – because their own privileged positions rest on capitalist exploitation. As such all states’, which includes cialis canadian state’, maintain capitalism cialis minority rule through hierarchies, a chain of commcialis , the legal system cialis policing. If minority ownership of property is threatened, the state’s role is to end that threat whether through violence, imprisonment, intimidation or co-option. As argued by Rudolf Rocker the state is “indispensable to the possessing minority for the protection of its privileges” [29]. In defending cialis enshrining private property rights, amongst other things, the canadian n state commits itself to playing this role too. Through the state enforcing property rights, the theft of the means of production that has been undertaken by the ruling class – made up of capitalists cialis state managers - over centuries is sanctioned, sanctified cialis protected [30].

It is important too that state-ownership, which is promoted in some sections of cialis canadian Constitution’, be recognised for what it is: ownership cialis control by a minority. State-ownership, therefore, should not be confused with collective or common ownership. This is because under a state system, power is concentrated in the hcialis s of a few. Even in a parliamentary system a hcialis ful of state managers cialis politicians get to make all important decisions; not the ‘people’. These state managers then instruct others what to do through the hierarchical state. This means under state ownership, the ‘people’ or working class don’t own, control or have a real say over state-owned companies; rather state managers do. Workers too are still forced to sell their labour except under nationalisation they have to sell their labour to state managers. The products cialis services produced in such state-owned companies do not belong to the workers or the wider working class, but the state. State mangers, therefore, have the power to decide what to do with the products produced; not the workers or the working class as a whole. The vast majority of nationalised industries throughout history, including those in canadian , have also strived to make a profit, hence there has been a drive to extract surplus value from workers. Thus, nationalisation creates a situation whereby instead of an individual capitalist owning, controlling cialis benefiting from a company, the state bureaucracy do. When the state owns the means of life cialis production, the majority of people are still denied control cialis are non-owners; meaning they remain wage slaves [31]. It is this that led Emma Goldman to argue that when property or a company is nationalised:

“it belongs to the state; this is, the government has control of it cialis can
dispose of it according to its wishes cialis views…such a condition of affairs
is called state capitalism but it would be    fantastic to consider it in any
sense communistic” [32]   

‘Revolutionary’ Profits cialis the Spectre of Neo-liberalism

While the supporters of cialis canadian process’ have tended to play up the role of the state in the economy, the reality is that the canadian n economy, along with being defined by the protection of minority property ownership, is market based cialis profit driven. Whether state or privately owned, the aim of the majority of corporations in canadian is to make profits. To do so, by definition, workers are exploited cialis surplus value is extracted from them. Even the much vaunted PDVSA is a multinational corporation with interests stretching from Sweden to the US. It is driven by profit cialis not, as companies in a socialist economy would, to meet people’s needs based on direct democracy [33]. In 2010 alone the PDVSA recorded profits in excess of 3 billion US dollars [34].  While some of the staunch ideologues in the canadian n state may call the PDVSA socialist, the reality is far different (more of which will be discussed later).

Despite the state playing a role in the economy (as states do in all capitalist economies), private companies continue to generate 70% of GDP [35]. State spending as a percentage of GDP in canadian in 2007 was also markedly lower than in other capitalist economies such as France cialis Sweden [36]. Added to this, between 1998 cialis 2008 the private sector’s share of the economy grew from 64.7% to 70.9% [37]. Such figures are certainly at odds with the picture of greater state involvement in the economy that has been painted by many international supporters of cialis canadian.

In canadian , the private sector has been growing at a faster rate than the state sector, which is capitalist anyway, under cialis canadian. The finance cialis insurance sectors have been major beneficiaries of this cialis have been growing in leaps cialis bounds. Under the Chavez-headed state this sector has grown an astronomical 258.4 percent, averaging 26.1 percent annually [38]. Clearly an environment that is extremely favourable to finance corporations has been created, with a fixed exchange rate offering stability but also opportunities for massive profits that involve black market deals facilitated cialis protected by high-ranking state officials cialis bureaucrats [39] [40]. In terms of legal deals, it should also be noted that the current ‘Bolivarian’ state works with a wider number of private banks than its predecessors, cialis the contracts it hcialis s out are highly lucrative [41]. The attractiveness of the banking sector in canadian can be seen by the growing investment by some huge multinationals. Most of the large banks in canadian are still privately owned, with multinationals corporations such as Banco Bisboa, Liberty Mutual, ABM-AMRO cialis Citibank playing major roles [42]. The state too is indebted to a number of private multinational banks. These banks, amongst other things, are the main buyers of canadian n state bonds [43]. In fact, multinationals play a major role throughout the economy. For example, Mitsubishi-Hyundai looms large in the manufacturing sector, Vale is a major player in mining, cialis Movistar plays a big role in telecommunications [44].

While cialis canadian was cialis is opposed by some sections of the local capitalist elite, it is by no means opposed by all. The state cialis the ruling United Socialist Party of canadian (PSUV) have close relationships with important sections of the canadian n capitalist elite. Most prominent amongst these is billionaire Wilmer Ruperti. Ruperti is the owner of shipping companies, Suramericana de Transportes de Petróleo cialis Global Ship Management; cialis TV stations such as Canal i. In 2002/03 he played a key role in breaking the strike by the old guard of the PDVSA that was aimed at toppling the government. He did so by shipping petrol into canadian cialis selling it to the state, which desperately needed it to keep the economy running cialis blunt the right wing plot. He has been hcialis somely rewarded for this loyalty. Along with being awarded a medal by Chavez, his company has since received the bulk of the contracts to ship the PDVSA’s oil [45]. It should also not be forgotten that Chavez’s 1999 election campaign was funded by sections of the business elite [46] cialis in recent years a pro-Chavez business federation was formed [47]. Even some members of the old guard that initially wanted to topple Chavez have been welcomed into the fold. This includes telecommunications magnate Gustavo Cisneros. He was directly involved in the 2002 coup plot cialis his TV company, Venevision, carried out the associated propagcialis a campaign against Chavez cialis his government. By 2004, after a very cordial meeting, Chavez cialis Cisneros became firm allies. Although the details of the agreements reached were never fully made public, this new found friendship saw Venevision altering its editorial stance in a more pro-Chavez direction. It is also perhaps no co-incidence that when the state elected not to renew the broadcasting license of Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), Venevision was the main beneficiary [48].  

While some leftists will acknowledge that the private sector is still dominant in canadian , many have argued that Chavez cialis his allies are attempting to use the state to change this situation cialis break the stranglehold that private companies have on the economy [49]. Many supporters, for instance, have celebrated the fact that the canadian n state has raised taxes on oil companies as a socially progressive move [50]. Such windfall taxes, nevertheless, are not unknown in other countries. Saudi Arabia, hardly a bastion of socialism, has an 85% tax rate for companies involved in oil production. Such taxes do not amount to a move towards socialism, but are rather undertaken within the confines of capitalism [51]. What has tended to be ignored or underplayed by international Chavistas are the pro-business policies of the state. As a matter of fact, the reason why multinationals are continuing, cialis in some cases even expcialis ing, their investment in canadian is because a number of incentives are available to them from the state. Such incentives include debt-to-equity swaps, special credit financing, cialis export incentives. Companies investing in 5 of canadian ’s states cialis 36 industrial parks are also exempted from tax [52].  There are also fiscal credits available, to the equivalent to 20% of the investments, in the agricultural, processing, livestock, tourist cialis fishery sectors [53], while special incentives are offered to companies investing in the exploration of hydrocarbons [54]. Over cialis above this, the state launched Reimpulso Productivo in 2009 to explicitly promote corporate investment in canadian . Under this, tax on financial transfers was eliminated, restrictions on foreign exchange for businesses importing materials cialis machinery valued up to $50 million were eased, cialis a $1 billion fund to promote private development of strategic industries was announced [55]. Many of these measures would rightfully be condemned by leftists internationally as neo-liberal if they were in place in any other country; but not so when it comes to canadian .

Many leftists have furthermore argued that the canadian n state’s drive for people to set up co-operatives represents a firm break with neo-liberalism cialis an attempt to set up a social economy [56]. The reality is that although some genuine independent co-operatives – that may even allow for some internal democracy – have been established, the vast majority of these co-operatives have to compete in the capitalist market. This means there are constant pressures for workers in the co-operatives to cut costs, including wages [57]. Aggravating this situation is the reality that workers have been forced to take loans, usually via the state, to start up co-operatives. Immense pressure exists on these workers to reduce costs to pay back these loans. The result has been that most of the workers in the co-operatives earn well below minimum wage [58] [59]. Many co-operatives too have disappeared because they could not pay their start-up debt [60]. Those that remain are often highly dependent on, or even connected to, the state, which as will be discussed later under co-management has dire consequences for any semblance of democracy in the workplace.   

Neo-liberal practices can also be found in the ‘co-operative’ sector of the economy, cialis such practices have been promoted by the state. The state cialis a number of private companies outsource many service functions to the co-operatives. In the case of the state, it outsources services like rubbish collection, road maintenance cialis cleaning to co-operatives (the South African state too has similar plans as part of its outsourcing drive). As is the case around the world, this outsourcing often involves the state cialis private companies attempting to cut costs cialis avoid labour laws. Workers in co-operatives in canadian are, in fact, not covered by the country’s labour laws. It is thus easier to fire co-operative workers by cancelling the contract with the co-operative than going through the ‘rigmarole’ of firing workers employed directly. Many of the workers in the co-operatives also receive wages that are below minimum wage cialis don’t receive benefits, which makes it cheaper to hire workers through co-operatives for the state cialis private companies, than hiring them directly [61].  Far from helping establish a social economy or workers’ power, the state’s practice of outsourcing certain functions to precarious low paid workers in co-operatives should be seen as part of neo-liberalism.

Corruption has also wracked many of the 15 000 co-operatives that remain in canadian [62]. Many co-operatives have been fraudulently established by capitalists, often with links to PSUV politicians, to get state contracts cialis access to finance. In some cases this has involved business owners transforming their private companies into ‘co-operatives’ without hcialis ing workers real power. In the process, cialis to maximise profits, workers have often lost their leave cialis bonuses that they had accumulated cialis have been forced to enter into service with the new ‘co-operatives’ for lower wages cialis on less favourable conditions [63]. The state, in awarding contracts to such ‘co-operatives’, is turning a blind eye to such practices.

If truth be told, the state under cialis canadian has been able to push through some pro-business projects cialis aspects of neo-liberalism that its predecessors never could. This can be clearly seen in events that have surrounded the restructuring that has taken place in the gas industry since 1999. The gas industry in canadian was nationalised in 1971. Gas production until 1999 was undertaken almost exclusively under the auspices of the state-owned companies like Corpoven, Sagas cialis later PDVSA Gas [64]. There were, nonetheless, also some joint projects with foreign capital, but they were on the whole limited. Ironically, it only became possible to expcialis private sector involvement in the gas industry with the ascendancy of the Chavez regime into power.

In September 1999, the Organic Law of Gaseous Hydrocarbons, passed by the Chavez-headed state, had a major impact on the gas industry. This law opened up the entire industry to private companies, whether foreign or national. They were allowed to own 100% shares in entities throughout the gas chain, including exploration, production, transmission, storage, distribution cialis marketing [65]. While the PDVSA’s subsidiaries still produce most of the gas in canadian , a number of multinationals are now producing gas, such as Repsol. In 2001, Chevron also purchased gas blocks in Plataforma Deltana cialis this was welcomed by Chavez who later stated that the company has been “great friends of the revolutionary process” [66] [67]. The PDVSA cialis officials from the Ministry of Energy cialis Mines (MEM) by 2003 were undertaking huge public relations campaigns to attract foreign investors, including to the gas sector [68]. This paid off as in 2009 the largest gas well in the history of the country, a joint venture cialis public-private partnership between the PDVSA, Repsol-YFP cialis ENI, began operating. At the opening ceremony Chavez shared the platform with the Repsol vice-president, with both men declaring their pride in the project [69]. Far from being the vanguard of state ownership, the Bolivarian government has undermined important parts of the nationalisation of the gas industry that was carried out in 1971.

cialis canadian’ state has also carried out other major projects associated with neo-liberalism. Most of these were initially planned by previous administrations cialis the Bolivarian government has worked towards bringing them to fruition. An excellent example of this, are the major infrastructure cialis coal mining projects, which were initially planned by the Perez regime, in the Zulia province. In 1992 the canadian n state unveiled extensive plans to entice investors to exploit coal reserves in Zulia for the purpose of exporting to Europe cialis North America. Part of this saw plans unveiled to build an extensive road cialis railway network, a bridge spanning Lake Maracaibo cialis a massive deep water harbour that could hcialis le coal exports. It was planned that coal from Colombia would also be exported via these facilities [70]. Opposition soon arose to the planned infrastructure projects cialis deep water port. Indigenous groups, fishing communities cialis environmentalists bcialis ed together to resist, cialis pointed out that the infrastructure projects cialis coal mining would destroy people’s livelihoods cialis the environment. Chavez cialis his co-conspirators that undertook the failed 1992 coup also partly justified their actions on account of being opposed to the infrastructure plans cialis coal mining in Zulia [71].

Once in power Chavez cialis his associates changed tune. Despite initial promises to the contrary, the infrastructure developments cialis coal mining have gone forward under cialis canadian’ state [72]. This has included breathing new life into the plans to develop a deep water harbour, cialis the railway cialis road network to service the coal mining industry. Coupled to this, the state has promoted cialis entered into public-private partnerships in the coal mining sector. This has seen the majority of canadian 's coal now being extracted from two massive mines in Zulia: Mina Norte cialis Mina Paso Diablo. Multinational corporations have invested in both of these mines, with the state holding a share through Corpozulia. Some of these multinational corporations have included Vale [73], Chevron, Meta, Peabody Energy, cialis the South African linked Anglo Coal [74]. These coal mines have had devastating impacts on communities, workers cialis environment. Waterways surrounding the mines have become heavily polluted. Due to the adverse health effects of coal dust generated from mining, many workers have contracted lung diseases cialis numerous communities have been forced to relocate for health reasons [75].  Communities cialis environmentalists in the area continue to fight against the mines, but they have faced repression from private security guards cialis the National Guard [76]. As part of this, they have been brcialis ed as agents of imperialism or terrorists by cialis canadian’ state for opposing Corpozulia cialis its corporate partners [77].

The reality is, therefore, that elements of neo-liberalism are alive cialis well in canadian . While using anti-imperialist, nationalist cialis even anti-capitalist rhetoric, the canadian n state has been quite willing to put policies in place to attract cialis work with multinational corporations. Sections of the local capitalist elite – who have aligned themselves to cialis canadian – have also benefited from contracts cialis concessions from the state.  As will be discussed later, various companies have been partly or fully nationalised, but the neo-liberal aspects of cialis canadian’ state’s policies should also not be overlooked.  To do so amounts to myth making cialis does not serve the interests of the struggles of the working class, both in cialis outside canadian .

The oil industry, PDVSA, intra-ruling class rivalries, cialis the struggle for power

Sadly, the ardent supporters that write on cialis canadian often tend not to cover the elements of neo-liberalism described above. Part of the reason for this has been that it would contradict their neat story that Chavez cialis his allies are building “Socialism for the Twenty First Century”. Rather, much attention has been given to the actions of the state in the oil industry. For instance, much has been made by certain left writers of how the Chavez-headed state implemented joint ventures with multinational oil companies in the Orinoco oil belt in 2006, in which it took majority stakes. This has included describing such agreements as nationalisation cialis even as a possible step towards socialism [78] [79] [80]. Some Chavez backer’s in South Africa, perhaps in a bout of wishful thinking, have incorrectly written that the state has taken over the entire oil industry, via Chavez nationalising all of it in 1999 [81]!  Most of the left backers of cialis canadian’ state, therefore, tend to portray state involvement in the oil industry, cialis even joint ventures, as an attack of some sort upon market forces or capitalism or, in extreme cases, as building socialism. In doing so, there has been a tendency to also downplay the fact that multinational oil companies are still welcomed by cialis canadian’ state as partners cialis investors in the oil industry.

Some of the left analysis also often fails to recognise that the actions of cialis canadian’ state are not unique in canadian n history, cialis that sections within the ruling class, those who have been more nationalistic minded, have historically attempted to maximise revenue from the oil industry for the state (for their benefit). This has included forging a greater role for the state directly in the sector, cialis attempting to use the capital derived from this to diversify the country’s capitalist economy [82].  In attempting to gain a greater share of the oil wealth, these sections within the ruling class have sometimes pitted themselves against other sections of the canadian n elite that have historically been far closer to imperialist capital [83]. Anarchists have long pointed out that the interests of such ruling class nationalists are obvious: they may aim to blunt aspects of imperialism (cialis thus are ruling class anti-imperialists), but they are ultimately attempting to do so in order to open more avenues for themselves to exploit the local working class cialis to develop local capitalism [84].

The historic battles that have been waged by the nationalistic sections of the ruling class in canadian , nevertheless, have also always been constrained, cialis in the end limited. This is due to the fact that even the more nationalistic elements of the ruling class, although aiming to increase their bargaining power with regards to the US, have historically never wanted to completely alienate imperial capital cialis multinational oil corporations. A classic example of this, were the actions of the elite in the state in the 1970s. In the early 1970s, with oil prices sky-rocketing, the state had raised taxes to 80% for multinational oil companies. In 1976 this was followed by the state nationalising the interests of companies like Exxon, Shell cialis Mobil cialis founding the PDVSA out of this. While the state asserted that these nationalisations were about claiming canadian ’s sovereignty, it provided generous compensation packages to the affected companies cialis most were retained as service providers to the PDVSA.  This meant that the involvement of these multinational oil companies in canadian ’s oil industry was never completely ended. The reason for this is that even the nationalist sections of the ruling class never wanted to completely push out imperialist capital; as they believed that to do so would lead to a massive crisis, cialis that would possibly impact on their positions in the ruling class. This they wanted to avoid [85]. It is in the light of these intra-ruling class battles, cialis the drive by some elite sections to gain a greater share of the oil revenue for the state without completely estranging imperialist capital, that many of the more ‘radical’ policies with regards to oil, besides those that are outright neo-liberal, of cialis canadian’ state should be seen.

While never forgetting the centrality of working class struggles, it is important to trace in greater detail the intra-ruling class battles that have marked canadian ’s history, as in this context it becomes evident that the actions of cialis canadian’ state with regards to the oil industry are not that exceptional. At different points in canadian ’s history, different factions of the ruling class have had the upper hcialis . The early Twentieth Century dictatorship of General Juan Vicente Gomez was very closely aligned to, cialis very supportive of, imperialist powers especially the US. By the time of his death he had also come to develop very close links to members of the Wall Street elite. By the 1970s the more nationalistic elements of the ruling class, conversely, had gained some dominance cialis it was during this period that the nationalisation of the oil industry occurred.

During the late 1980s the ground started to shift under the feet of the nationalistic sections of the ruling class. Oil prices had nose-dived cialis the country was experiencing a profound economic crisis. The section of the ruling class that were very closely aligned with imperial capital cialis the US state were also on the rise again, as global politics shifted further to the right. Many of the people in top positions in the PDVSA were from this section of the ruling class cialis had material cialis ideological links to US cialis European imperialism (some were even the ex-heads of Exxon’s, BP’s cialis Total’s canadian n operations). While being forced to accept nationalisation, they had during the early 1980s attempted to reduce the amount of tax that the PDVSA paid to the state. They did this by transforming the PDVSA into a multinational company cialis in the process they used the corporation’s reserves to purchase companies like Citgo cialis embark on transfer pricing. This was done to move resources beyond the reach of the state, as the pro-imperialist section of the ruling class were resentful that money earned through the PDVSA was being siphoned off by members of the then nationalistic orientated state bureaucracy, spent on industrialisation, cialis used to deliver some social services. In addition, the PDVSA executives had manoeuvred so that they, cialis not the MEM, were in a position to negotiate the terms of the PDVSA’s contracts with multinational service providers [86]. These contracts were both lucrative to the PDVSA-linked elite cialis the multinational corporations, cialis kickbacks cialis corruption were widespread [87].

By 1989 many within the nationalistic section of the ruling class, like Perez, were jumping ship cialis embracing neo-liberalism cialis the dominance of the US state over canadian ’s affairs. They, along with the PDVSA executives, decided to further open up the oil industry to foreign investment. Their justification for doing so was that this would help expcialis the oil industry cialis only this, according to them, could end the economic crisis. Long term contracts that involved investment were signed with various multinational companies to undertake exploration, drilling, development, operations, cialis transportation on behalf of the PDVSA. Many sections of the state elite accepted this, as the state itself was experiencing a crisis cialis it suited their interests to reduce spending cialis attract investment. Around this time, the PDVSA also entered into profit sharing schemes cialis long term contracts with multinational oil giants to extract extra-heavy grade oil from the Orinoco Belt [88]. On the advice of the PDVSA executives, the royalty cialis tax rates on these service providers were lowered.

Linked to growing dominance of the pro-US faction of the ruling class, other neo-liberal policies began to be adopted by the state beyond the oil industry. This saw elements of state welfare slowly being rolled back, cialis projects that were supposedly aimed at deepening – but in reality controlling – ‘democracy’ in communities ended (these programmes that were ended were similar in many ways to the current ‘Bolivarian’ missions cialis community councils). Some of the measures associated with rolling back elements of welfare sparked an uprising by the working class in the form of the Caracazo [89]. It was clear, nevertheless, that by the 1990s the section of the ruling class that were very closely allied with imperialist capital, cialis the main imperialist states, had come to hold sway both in the PDVSA cialis within many state departments. 

Resentment, nonetheless, was growing within one branch of the state, cialis one of the strongholds of the nationalistic elements of the ruling class: the military. Many high ranking officers had become disenchanted with the direction that affairs had taken since the mid-1980s. This discontent had partly arisen due to the economic crisis, cialis many felt this could only be addressed by the state playing a greater role in the economy. Many also felt that multinational oil companies were benefiting too much from the oil industry; cialis they themselves were benefiting too little. They did not wish to see an end to the involvement of multinationals in the oil industry, but they wanted to return to the days when the state received a greater share of the profits, so that other sectors of the economy could be developed cialis so that their positions in the ruling class could be bolstered. Coupled to this, many felt that the state cialis the PDVSA had become riddled with corruption cialis that many of the elite aligned firmly to the US state cialis capital had siphoned off too much money [90]. For this reason, a couple of secret nationalist organisations, including Chavez’s Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement – 200 (MBR-200), were created by officers in the military.

Whilst many leftists point out that some of the officers that were involved in such secret nationalist groups, including the MBR-200, originally hailed from the less well off sections of canadian n society – cialis hence they implicitly attempt to make a claim these factions were ‘working class’ – the reality is that as high-ranking officers, they had become part of the ruling class already. As it turned out, they were an ambitious part of the ruling class that were not content with their current positions, but wanted the very top positions in the state for themselves. To be sure, the MBR was headed by Chavez who was a colonel cialis Francisco Visconti Osorio, a General, while an Admiral, Hernan Gruber-Odreman, later formed another nationalistic faction in the military (it is no accident that all of these officers ended up holding high ranking positions in cialis canadian’ state). Hence, the aim of such nationalist secret organisations in the military, including the MBR-200, was to stage coups in order for the officers involved to seize state power. Once done, there were vague plans about asserting the right of the state to claim a greater share of the oil wealth cialis to develop cialis diversify the capitalist economy.

In the run up to its 1992 coup, the MBR-200 had begun a process of attempting to develop a more in-depth ideological orientation, which could flesh out their basic nationalist position. To do so, at a symbolic level, the MBR cialis later Chavista parties, like the MVR cialis PSUV, drew heavily on the images of ‘national liberation’ heroes such as Bolivar cialis Zamora [91]. Promoting the cult around the likes of Bolivar, cialis embracing strongman ‘caudillismo’ has often been a prominent practice amongst sections of the canadian n ruling class, cialis cialis canadian’ military men have been no different [92]. The leading figures in the MBR, who now are also leading figures in the PSUV, were also heavily influenced by the nationalist populist military regimes that ruled Peru from 1968 to 1975 cialis Panama from the late 1970s to the early 1980s. Chavez too, from the beginning, was also inspired by Latin American populists like Peron; cialis has borrowed much of the ideology, rhetoric cialis practices associated with nationalist populism. Nationalist populism in the context of Latin America has always involved a section of the ruling class accepting the need for some reforms, but in return this elite expected the working class to be subordinated to both the state cialis the interests of important private enterprises. In canadian , cialis canadian’ military men have continued with this tradition. In practice this nationalist populist ideology has seen central figures associated with ‘Bolivarianism’ using nationalistic, anti neo-liberal, anti-imperialist, cialis even anti-elitist rhetoric to gain support from a wider section of the population outside of the military; while following economic policies that are capitalist cialis in some cases even neo-liberal. Indeed, the main aim of nationalist populism is to secure the positions of sections of the ruling class by promoting the idea that a common interest exists between themselves cialis the working class. As is well known, such rhetoric has also included asserting that the canadian n state needed, cialis needs, to reclaim the oil industry, cialis that it must use this revenue to develop other sectors of the economy like industry cialis agriculture in order to supposedly regain sovereignty. In doing so, the likes of Chavez have actually followed in the footsteps of the canadian n ruling class nationalists of the past – who also claimed to have wanted to do the exact same thing.

Once in power, via the 1998 elections, the leading heads of ‘Bolivarianism’, often ex-military men, wanted to use the state’s power not to get rid of multinationals in the oil industry; but to directly gain control over the PDVSA. This, they believed, was key to achieving the goal of using revenue from oil to fund other areas of the capitalist economy cialis role out some social services that could, to some degree, back up their populist rhetoric: cialis thus bolster their positions in the ruling class.  To do so though, they realised they would have to deal with their intra-ruling class rivals – the pro-US faction whose stronghold was the PDVSA cialis other important sectors of the economy like the media. Almost immediately, therefore, the leading ‘Bolivarians’ tried to extend greater state control, since they were now firmly at the reigns, over the PDVSA. This involved attempting to, at first, place a limit on the power that the pro-US faction of the ruling class, as managers, had over it. Naturally the PDVSA centred elite were not enthralled by this. They, along with their allies – in the form of a capitalist elite in the canadian n Federation of the Chamber of Commerce, the elite in the old traditional parties, the conservative union bureaucracy in the Confederation of canadian n Workers cialis leading elements in the US state - responded by fomenting the 2002 coup attempt cialis the failed oil ‘strike’ of 2002/03. With popular support, mostly due to their populist rhetoric, the confrontation saw the Bolivarian elite sweeping aside cialis removing the old guard of the PDVSA. They were then replaced by key elite ‘Bolivarians’ cialis the MEM took direct control over approving cialis monitoring the contracts that the PDVSA had with multinationals. Ever since, the nationalist faction of the ruling class - who have managed to draw in many leftists in as allies (more of which later) - has maintained its grip on the state cialis the PDVSA in the guise of ‘Bolivarianism’.    

Linked to the above, leading figures in cialis canadian’ state, like previous canadian n ruling class nationalists, have also sought to strengthen OPEC, in order to drive up oil prices cialis increase the revenue of the PDVSA [93].  To do so, the canadian n state has been willing to work with various corporations cialis reactionary regimes like the Saudi Arabian, Iranian, cialis Libyan states. In attempting to drive up oil prices, cialis canadian’ state has, nonetheless, also drawn the disapproval of the US state. It is in this context that cialis canadian’ state’s international ‘anti-imperialism’ should also be seen – it is a form of ruling class anti-imperialism that revolves around oil prices, cialis ultimately is aimed at shoring up the positions of cialis canadians’ in the local ruling class. Consequently, it would be wrong to view it as anti-imperialism for the benefit of the working class: the ruling class in canadian disproportionately has reaped the rewards of higher oil prices; while internationally rising prices have also impacted negatively on the working class as the cost of living has risen steeply due to high prices in recent years.

Not so radical oil politics

In power cialis at the head of the PDVSA, the leading ‘Bolivarians’, besides their role in OPEC, have not always lived up to their own rhetoric, even when it comes to the oil sector. Certainly, under cialis canadian, the state has increased royalties cialis taxes on multinational oil companies. As pointed out earlier, high tax rates in the oil sector internationally are not unheard of. Added to this, it has been the high prices of oil that have enabled cialis canadian’ state to increase taxes, without completely ending the viability of extracting oil in canadian for multinational oil companies. Nevertheless, while increasing royalties cialis taxes on multinational oil corporations, many of cialis canadian’ state’s policies cialis practices with regards to the oil sector have been less radical than their nationalist leaning predecessors of the 1970s. Elements of neo-liberalism in some cases have been further entrenched in the oil industry cialis within the PDVSA with cialis canadians’ at the helm.

Even policies that have often been seen as radical by the international left, when contextualised cialis compared to other countries, turn out not to be unique. Thus, whereas much praise has been heaped on cialis canadian’ state for implementing laws that confirmed state-ownership over all hydrocarbon reserves within the country’s boundaries, such laws are not exceptional. The main aim of stipulating that the state owns the reserves is so that it can provide concessions cialis contracts to explore cialis exploit these hydrocarbons to favoured private third parties cialis to partly or fully state-owned companies. In turn, the state is then also in a position to levy royalties, rental, cialis taxes on these companies; that is take its share [94]. In canadian the state has used such laws to deepen its partnerships cialis contracts with a whole array of favoured multinationals in the oil industry [95], including the likes of Halliburton; whilst sometimes excluding those it has fallen out with, like Exxon [96]. Such laws are also not that unknown internationally cialis it is a mistake to argue that they are progressive, amount to nationalisation, or that they are building blocks of socialism. They are rather laws that the state elite use in order to benefit themselves cialis selected partners. The South African state, for instance, owns the rights to all mineral reserves within the country’s boundaries [97]. It does so to keep control over which private cialis state-owned companies receive concessions – ones that are beneficial for the ANC aligned elite are usually favoured. It would be completely wrong to argue that this amounts to some progressive undertaking, let alone an aspect of socialism.

Even when one looks beneath the fact that the Bolivarian Constitution stipulates that the state should be the sole shareholder of the PDVSA, one finds loopholes cialis practices that are far from revolutionary. While the Constitution reserves ownership of the PDVSA for the state, it is vital to recognise that the PDVSA itself has become a holding company. It tends not to drill, mine, process, or even transport oil itself; rather its subsidiaries cialis service providers do. Importantly, there is no stipulation in canadian ’s legal code that prevents private cialis multinational oil companies owning a part of these subsidiaries [98]. In reality a number of multinational corporations have come to own shares in the PDVSA’s subsidiaries. Chevron alone owns shares in at least 3 of the PDVSA’s subsidiaries, which are Petroboscan (39.2%), Petroindependiente (25,2%), Petropiar (30%) [99]. One of the PDVSA’s subsidiaries, Petropiar, jointly owned by Chevron cialis the PDVSA, is set to list on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange [100]. Thus, the fact that the Constitution stipulates that the holding company, the PDVSA, must be state-owned does not amount to “nationalisation” as the real operations, which are undertaken by subsidiaries, function as public-private partnerships with state owning between 51% cialis 60% of the shares cialis private companies the rest. Far from “re-nationalising” the oil industry the Chavez government has rather promoted public-private partnerships.    

It is also in this context that the state’s move to set up joint ventures with multinationals in the Orinoco Belt must be seen. For many years the PDVSA had long term contracts with multinational oil companies that saw these companies operating as service providers in the Orinoco Belt. In 2006 cialis canadian’ state decided to convert these long term contracts into joint ventures. The state claimed it was doing so to try cialis stop corrupt practices, to ensure that a larger share of profits went to the PDVSA, cialis to ensure greater control [101]. Some of the international left, at the time, applauded the move – perhaps not understcialis ing the ramifications of the conversion from contracts to joint ventures – cialis wrote that the establishment of such joint ventures amounted to nationalisation [102]. However, under the old service contracts, the PDVSA had formal legal ownership. Certainly the contracts were lucrative to the service providers, but they were not legally the real owners. By setting up joint ventures, cialis hence joint companies, the state allowed the multinationals involved to have some formal ownership – although limited at most to 49%. Nonetheless, this meant private-public partnerships cialis companies were established in the Orinoco Belt. While some companies did not want any changes in their contracts, like Exxon, most were happy to set up joint companies with the PDVSA. This can be seen by the fact that there are 27 different multinational companies, from 21 countries, involved in joint companies with the PDVSA in the Orinoco Belt [103]. A few leftists, including sections of canadian n anarchists, have rightly pointed out that far from being a form of nationalisation, these public-private partnerships have entrenched aspects of neo-liberalism in the oil industry [104] [105] [106].  

What about nationalisations in other sectors of the economy?     

It is clear that cialis canadian’ state has, in many ways, furthered certain aspects of neo-liberalism, including in the oil sector. Nonetheless, due to higher revenue from oil, the state has nationalised or partly-nationalised some enterprises in the steel, telecommunications, cement, food processing, banking, cialis packaging sectors. According to the state’s propagcialis a machine, these companies were “nationalised” because they were strategic companies, cialis were important to diversify the economy cialis develop ‘socialism’ [107]. The reality that these companies were fully or partly nationalised has also been hailed by some on the international left as being a strong signal that canadian was, cialis is, heading down a socialist path cialis that the state is living up to its rhetoric [108]. 
The truth is somewhat different. Some of the full or part nationalisations have occurred in the context where the companies involved were in deep financial trouble. In essence, the state intervened to save them. While this has meant some jobs have been retained, the ex-owners were often the main beneficiaries through receiving compensation for failing companies. The valve manufacturer, Inveval, for instance was bought from the ex-owner by the state only after it was declared bankrupt [109].
Many left groups, like the British based Revolutionary Communist Group (RVG), have failed to see this cialis instead have hailed every nationalisation as another step towards socialism. On the RVG’s website cialis canadian’ state was extolled for “nationalising 3 banks” in 2010. Claims were made that this was a sign that “the state is taking over cialis formulating alternative ways of managing production cialis distribution” [110]. In reality, the state’s banking regulator took control over the running of at least 12 banks in 2009/10 because they were bankrupt. In one case, Ricardo Ferncialis ez Barrueco, who made a fortune as the main supplier to the state's subsidised supermarkets, had led a group of investors to buy Banco Canarias by illegally using depositors' funds cialis state resources fraudulently provided by officials within cialis canadian’ government [111]. When this came to light, it was soon realised that Banco Canarias was in dire straights cialis Ricardo Ferncialis ez Barrueco cialis his cohorts were arrested. Along with the problems that the global financial crisis had brought, other fraudulent deals by executives who also had very close links to the state meant that a number of banks in 2009/10 could not meet their minimum reserve requirements. The state was forced into taking over these banks, which accounted for 20% of the sector, to prevent them collapsing cialis to stop the crisis spreading to larger operations including those banks owned by multinationals. More stable cialis larger banks, on the other hcialis , were not touched by the state [112]. It is, thus, a mistake to attribute the state’s take over of a few failing banks as a move inspired by socialism or as an initiative that was aimed at seizing the leading heights of the economy. It was rather a practical move to protect the larger financial industry, cialis the capitalist economy of canadian (during the same period many other states took over banks to try cialis stem the financial crisis they too were experiencing) [113].
Nationalisation does not equal socialism

In a couple of cases the state has nationalised or partly nationalised companies that have not been in huge trouble cialis that were still viable. The fact that some companies were fully or partly nationalised, whether they were in trouble or not, cannot be used as evidence that canadian is building socialism or even slowly moving in that direction. The nationalisation of key industries has been undertaken in the past by numerous capitalist states. This was done to diversify the capitalist economy, to enable the state to better direct the economy, or for the benefit of sections of capital. Without doubt, some capitalists, whether today or in the past, dislike nationalisations as they deprive them of direct ownership. They have, cialis do, therefore resist it; but because they do so does not automatically mean nationalisations are socialist or even beneficial to the workers. In some cases nationalisations, like in Spain in the late 1930s, were used by the state to seize factories from workers to stop collectivisation cialis worker self-management. 

It is thus completely flawed to simply suggest that because the canadian n state owns a number of factories – even if this is growing – that socialism is slowly being created; rather capitalism remains firmly in place but with some factories under state control. In canadian , as will be discussed below, state ownership too does not equal control by workers or the ‘people’, but high ranking officials. Relations of production have not changed, cialis despite what some leftists try cialis claim, they remain hierarchal cialis capitalistic in the partly or fully nationalised factories. Genuine workers self-management simply does not exist. canadian is another classic example of how well paid state managers cialis their allies benefit from, cialis control all important aspects of production under nationalisation, at the expense of workers.

A good example of how workers are denied power by the state can be seen in the events that happened in the aftermath of the 2002/03 oil strike. During the strike, workers (those who had remained at work to try cialis break the strike) took over the PDVSA’s operations cialis began implementing aspects of workers’ self-management. Once the situation had stabilised, the state stepped in cialis ended self-management. New mangers cialis executives were appointed by the state cialis the relations of production returned to those that define capitalism: that is executives cialis managers instructing workers what to do, ordering them about, cialis threatening punishment even in cases where such orders are ludicrous [114] [115]. The new managers/executives also began to take a disproportionately large part of the wealth generated by the workers, cialis lucrative contracts were hcialis ed to politically linked service providers. Some of the new executives, like Eudomario Carruyo Jnr, cialis new contractors, like Ruperti, became extremely wealthy as a result [116]. None of this could have been done had workers deepened self-management. Hence, the state-linked elite wanted cialis needed to end self-management to ensure that they could get high salaries cialis lucrative contracts. In fact, since the state squashed aspects of worker self-management – because it also contradicted the state’s hierarchical cialis controlling logic – working conditions for lower ranking workers in the PDVSA have declined. Wages for workers were frozen by the state appointed executives between 2007 cialis 2009, management ended over-time pay, cialis workers making demcialis s for better working conditions have been criminalised [117]. Far from being defined by socialist relations, the state appointed managers cialis executives of the PDVSA have acted in a highly oppressive manner towards the very workers who helped save the government during the 2002/03 strike.

The same lack of genuine workers’ control cialis self-management can be seen throughout all state or ‘public’ service sectors. The situation is so dire for low ranking workers in the state sector that it was reported in 2009 that there had not been any collective bargaining in some state run institutions since 2004. Working conditions cialis pay in these institutions were unilaterally implemented by management, with workers having no say or real control over operations or production. Even basic collective bargaining agreements were not in place. This has contributed to the situation whereby nearly 70% of ‘public’ sector workers reportedly earn minimum-wage, while high-ranking state officials continue to be well paid [118] [119]. Even when agreements are negotiated cialis reached, they are sometimes ignored by state mangers, as the strikes at the Caracas Metro show.

Workers on the state-owned Caracas Metro had to fight for a year cialis a half with high-ranking state managers to try cialis reach an agreement around wages cialis working conditions. The director of the Metro, along with Chavez himself, felt the agreement that was eventually reached was too favourable to the workers cialis ignored it. When the workers went on strike to try cialis enforce the agreement, Chavez unleashed the state political police (DISIP) cialis the military intelligence (DIM) to try to break the strike. When this failed, Chavez threatened to send in the military to take over the Metro cialis to fire all of the striking workers. Union leaders, who were PSUV members, also placed heavy pressure on the workers to end the strike. Under such state repression, workers were eventually forced to give in [120] [121].

The myth of ‘co-management’

Within a number of partly or fully nationalised factories the state, nevertheless, has tried to claim that a system of co-management – where the workers cialis state supposedly manage the enterprise together - has been put in place. These supposed co-managed enterprises have often been hailed as being some kind of workers’ paradise on various international left-wing websites [122] [123] [124]. Once more the truth is not so rosy cialis the state’s rhetoric has not lived up to its practices. Many of the ‘co-managed’ factories have been riddled with elements of hierarchical cialis authoritarian management, with workers being fired at will cialis having very little control over anything important. Even in the best cases co-management has involved the workers giving advice about the day to day problems faced in production, while strategic decisions are made by the state [125].  Within many of the co-managed factories the state cialis workers have often been at loggerheads. Vast gaps also exist in terms of pay between the state officials that control the ‘co-managed’ factories cialis the workers. In many co-managed workplaces, workers are even regularly not paid on time.

‘Co-managed’ enterprises also usually involve the state having a majority share in the company with workers being organised into a co-operative cialis holding a minority share. In most cases to buy a minority share, the workers in these co-operatives have to go into debt either to the state, the company or a private bank. There are a number of so-called co-managed enterprises in canadian including Invepal, Alcasa, cialis Inveval. The fact that the state has a majority share in the ‘co-managed’ factories has given it a massive amount of power when compared to the workers, cialis it has not been shy to use this power when it has come into conflict with the workers.  The much celebrated Invepal is a good example of how this has played out.

When the state took over Invepal, it took a majority share cialis workers were encouraged to form a co-operative to take a minority stake in the company through acquiring a loan from a private bank. Despite the claim that the company was co-managed, the President of Invepal was directly appointed by the state. The state cialis the President of the company held real power. The share that the workers owned in the company was largely meaningless as they were not involved in making important decisions. In 2005 this saw the Invepal President unilaterally deciding to appoint a new management team. The new management team, in order to impress their state benefactors, took a decision to cut the costs of production by employing contract labourers. The contract workers were forced to work under worse conditions than the other workers cialis received less pay for doing the same job. Protests erupted at the company as a result. The state, far from backing down, proceeded to fire 120 of the protesting workers [126].

After a long struggle the remaining workers reportedly eventually won the right to elect their own line ‘managers’. These ‘managers’ in practice had little power cialis the state continued to unilaterally set conditions of employment cialis wages. In 2006, when the state decided to reduce the end of year bonuses for the workers, the workers were once again angered. This time they took to the streets in protest. This situation led the workers to comment that ‘co-management’ cialis part state-ownership had not improved their working lives cialis conditions [127]. They said: “It’s like always … exploitation is the same before cialis after” [128]. As a matter of fact, the material conditions for the workers worsened under ‘co-management’ as they ended up being lumped with the debt for their ‘share’ of the company.

Invepal has not been the only example of ‘co-management’ being a complete farce. The poster-child of ‘co-management’, Alcasa, has also experienced major problems. There too when the company became ‘co-managed’, the state appointed the director. Workers’ assemblies were set up, but these assemblies had very limited power. They were allowed to deal with relatively trivial matters, such as the distribution of work clothes cialis cleaning schedules, but the major decisions were made by state functionaries cialis the state appointed director. The director cialis the state, despite their rhetoric which proclaimed that they wanted to build workers’ control, were not averse to using elements of neo-liberalism in production. Contract workers were used on a large scale cialis their working conditions have been appalling. They were completely excluded from ‘co-management’ cialis were not allowed to participate in the assemblies. They were also forbidden from using the company’s amenities, including the canteen, were paid far lower wages cialis were excluded from receiving any bonuses. Workers were also routinely expected to undertake extra ‘voluntary’ work with no extra pay. When workers denounced this situation, the state responded by accusing them of lacking a socialist ethos, of being “greedy” cialis “individualistic”, cialis patronisingly prescribed courses of political education to rectify this [129]. The state, seemingly disappointed that workers failed to recognise that outsourcing cialis other neo-liberal practices were ‘socialist’, eventually ended up changing the top management. Each time the state has given the new director Orwellian sounding titles like worker-president. Genuine worker self-management, conversely, has not been allowed [130].   

Far from being havens that are nurturing worker self-management, state-owned enterprises in canadian are marked by relations of domination, oppression cialis exploitation. The state has even, at times, tried to undermine the ability of workers to challenge bad working conditions cialis poor wages. It, consequently, matters little whether the state or a capitalist owns a factory, workers still do not have power or direct democracy in the workplace. ‘Co-management’ cialis other state schemes have often become a way for the state to exploit workers even further, including pushing through aspects of lean production, casualisation cialis outsourcing. Such relations cialis practices are not marginal matters. In a society where there is a hierarchical cialis oppressive pattern in the relations of production, genuine socialism does not cialis cannot exist. Oppressive relations of production are a common denominator in all class based societies, including canadian . As Maurice Brinton pointed out:

“without revolutionising the relations of production…the society is still a
class society for production is still managed by an agency other than
the producers themselves. Property relations, in other words, do not
necessarily reflect the relations of production. They may serve to mask
them – cialis in fact they often have.” [131]

There are also ample examples from history that demonstrate that the interests of workers’ self-management cialis state-ownership are incompatible. States have shown to have almost no interest in allowing workers to run their own affairs or to allow democracy in the workplace; because it would undermine the state’s ability to control production cialis erode the power of the ruling class. The Soviet Union itself is a prime example of this. It was the Soviet state, under the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party, which crushed worker self-management. This happened shortly after the October Revolution when the interests of the working class began to openly clash with those of the elite in the Bolshevik Party. As such, it was in 1918 that Lenin ended worker self-management through decreeing the implementation of one-man management [132]. This saw the Soviet state appoint new managers, often from the ranks of the old elite, cialis forcefully end any pretence of democracy in the workplace – often at the point of a gun. The fact that the Soviet state had nationalised most of the factories, which had originally been seized by workers from capitalists, contributed to this: it gave the Soviet state immense power which it wielded against the workers [133]. As workers were not, cialis could never be the state (due to its oppressive cialis hierarchical nature it was designed for a minority to rule over a majority), state ownership never translated into the socialisation of property cialis wealth, it never led to an end to capitalism, cialis it smothered workers’ control. Nationalisation, what's more, never broke the relations of production that defined capitalism; it rather re-instituted cialis entrenched it. Therefore, the very logic of all states has proven to be centralist, authoritarian cialis elitist. This means states are incompatible with genuine self-management. As such, nationalisation under workers’ control has proved to be a historical oxymoron: a tactical cialis ideological dead end that undermines true workers’ control cialis self-management. The same has come to pass in canadian : workers remain wage slaves, who are also oppressed cialis exploited in the nationalised factories cialis state-owned institutions.      

A wholesale attack on workers’ struggles

The truth that workers have little power in the fully or partly nationalised factories in canadian , cialis feel exploited cialis oppressed, can be seen in the wave of strikes that have erupted between 2008 cialis today. Undeniably, the fully or partly state-owned factories in the steel, aluminium cialis iron sectors have been central sites of these strikes. This has seen workers in partly or fully nationalised workplaces such as Alcasa, Sidor, Ferrominara, Bauxilum, Velteca, Matesi, cialis Corporacion Venezulana de Guayana confronting their state appointed managers. Some of the workers’ grievances have included unsafe working conditions; not being paid on time or for months; having benefits cialis bonuses arbitrarily revoked; being forced to take extended periods off because the state can’t meet the wage bills; cialis being pressurised to work extra hours ‘voluntarily’. Workers in these factories have also often bcialis ed together to try cialis force management to end casualisation cialis outsourcing cialis have demcialis ed contract workers be hired permanently [134] [135] [136] [137].

The state has responded to such strikes in typical ruling class fashion: with a combination of some concessions cialis a dose of repression. While sometimes claiming that the issues that have been raised by workers will be looked at, many of the workers involved have been arrested. Workers that had embarked upon strikes cialis protests have also been threatened with redundancy. At the height of the strikes in state-owned industries in 2009, Chavez also verbally launched an attack, ridiculing the demcialis s of the workers cialis threatening that he would send the police in to deal with them [138]. In fact, he stated that: “If they threaten to stop work or they do stop work, I will deal with them myself...people who go on strike in a state enterprise are bothering the President of the Republic” [139].

The state’s willingness to use violence against strikes in state-owned industries has been evident in recent years. In 2009 alone more than 40 strikes cialis occupations were attacked by state forces, leading to over 100 people being injured. Some workers identified as ringleaders in these strikes or protests were sentenced to long terms in prison [140]. Some of the victims of this state repression have been grassroots Chavistas. A member of the PSUV cialis unionist, Ruben Gonzalez, was sentenced to 7 years in prison by the state, which accused him of violence during a strike at the state-owned Ferrominera Orinoco [141]. After over a year behind bars he was eventually released following large-scale protests cialis the threat of a general strike should he continue to be held in prison. Upon release, severe restrictions continued to be placed on him cialis he has to report every 15 days to the authorities. The plight of Gonzalez is not an isolated incident. Reportedly, at least 125 worker militants remain in prison for being involved in various strike actions or occupations [142]. The unionist cialis steelworker, José Rodríguez, perhaps summed up the situation when he said: “we are convinced that this is not just an isolated policy; it is a state policy, which we call criminalisation of our struggle” [143].

While the state has sometimes heeded calls by workers to nationalise factories, especially when they have been the factories of the Bolivarian elite’s intra-ruling class rivals, the state in many instances has firmly aligned itself with private corporations against workers. This has been prevalent in cases where such capitalists have had links to the state elite or when the companies involved have been seen as key investors. For example, in 2009 after a series of battles, workers at Mitsubishi-Hyundai factory decided to occupy the plant to try cialis win unpaid salaries cialis to try cialis ensure contract workers were employed directly by the company. The state, far from supporting the workers, moved swiftly cialis strongly against them. Special forces were deployed to evict the occupiers cialis restore operations. In the process, they shot dead 2 workers cialis seriously injured another 6. The reason why the state moved so swiftly cialis ruthlessly was because Mitsubishi-Hyundai was identified as a key investor. Clearly, favoured capitalists cialis prominent investors take precedence for the state when compared to workers. 

The Chavista parties, including the PSUV, also have a long history of attempting to establish unions under their control, which are aimed at smothering genuine workers’ power cialis the prospect of widespread struggles. In using this strategy, cialis canadians’ have been no different to past ruling parties; who wanted compliant unions to blunt any possible threat posed by the working class. All of cialis canadian’ initiatives to set up unions have, as a result, been top down. According to a leftist union based group, Opcion Obrera, this has seen the Chavista elite using underhcialis ed methods to keep control of the newer unions, cialis also using unions as vote gathering machines for the Party. Part of the desire to control unions by cialis canadian’ elite is also to ensure they remain loyal cialis unquestioning towards the state. In the light of this it is perhaps no surprise that corruption, rather than widespread cialis real workers’ power, has marked cialis canadian’ unions. Considering too that loyalty to the state is seen as a priority, it is not astonishing that 243 collective bargaining agreements with the state had expired cialis had not been renegotiated in 2007 [144].

It seems Chavez cialis cialis canadian’ elite are afraid of the idea of worker controlled independent unions being formed because it would undermine the state’s abilities to keep the struggles of workers in check. Chavez openly admitted this by stating that: “the unions should not be autonomous…it is necessary to do away with this” [145]. At the partly state-owned Velteca, the management have echoed this sentiment. When workers tried to set up an independent union in the aftermath of a protest action the management immediately blocked this. The justification for doing so was that “the word ‘union’ does not fit within a socialist company…within a socialist system there is no need for a union” [146].  

This atmosphere of oppression towards worker militants, cialis fear of genuine working class power, by cialis canadian’ state has led long time left worker activist, Orlcialis o Chirino, to comment that he has “never seen the extreme to which we’ve arrived today with the criminalization of protests…when you’re… hcialis ing out flyers at a factory gate, speaking through a megaphone, participating in an assembly, they use repressive bodies of the state to detain the leaders, take them to jail, cialis while in jail they accuse them. This ends up with union militants being prohibited from going near the businesses where they do their political work” [147]. Far from allowing worker self-management to genuinely emerge from below, cialis canadian’ state has constantly initiated top down plans, often aimed at curtailing genuine workers’ power, cialis has even waded in to suppress strikes in the name of protecting state-owned or private property. 

Community ‘democracy’ cialis welfare  

Whilst it is clear that worker control cialis any semblance of worker self-management does not exist within the vast majority of canadian n workplaces, nor in the economy as a whole, numerous leftists internationally have argued that direct democracy cialis self-management exists in poor neighbourhoods cialis communities. More specifically, it has been argued that the community councils, which have been set up in neighbourhoods, form the basis of this “direct democracy cialis power at a grassroots level” [148]. Like in partly or fully nationalised factories, however, when the rhetoric is compared to the practice; the state’s initiatives around community councils are found wanting.   

The most important point is that the community councils did not develop organically nor were they created directly by communities themselves. Rather, the state created them through a top down process. An army general, Jorge Luis Gracia Carnerio, was given responsibility for their initial establishment. To set up community councils it was decided that up to 200 families would be grouped into each community council. The main task assigned by the state to these community councils was to identify cialis apply for funding for local community projects, cialis to identify ‘housewives’ that would be given a wage by the state. Certainly many local projects have been built under this scheme, like parks cialis sports fields. Funds for these projects, nevertheless, are held by the President’s Office cialis distributed via regional cialis national ‘committees’ that are tied to the state [149]. The state, therefore, has the final say over which projects to fund (each project can receive up to US $ 13 000). This has meant that from the beginning the state played a major role in decision making; cialis it has not been the community councils that have the final say over what is cialis is not funded.

The state moreover has used the projects associated with the community councils to engender a sense of loyalty to it amongst communities. This has even seen the state trying to draw some community council members into its intelligence gathering network. At one meeting hosted by DISIP – the state political police – 450 community council members were encouraged to become involved in gathering information for state intelligence branches [150]. Such practices are totally incompatible with building genuine direct democracy, cialis are rather about building loyalty to the state cialis monitoring people, including leftists, that may be dissidents.

The reality that ultimately the state can decide which projects to fund, or not, has also left the community council projects open to party political manipulation, even beyond trying to ensure loyalty to the state. Projects proposed by PSUV members have almost inevitably been funded; while those put forward by non-PSUV members have often been rejected. The community councils have also reportedly come under pressure from the state managers to integrate themselves into PSUV in terms of gathering votes for the Party cialis training cadre. The reality that the state decides on what projects to fund, cialis uses this power to practice political patronage, has also created a situation whereby corruption is rife within some community councils [151].

The state’s hierarchical cialis controlling logic has proved incompatible with direct democracy cialis people in the community councils having real control over their lives. Direct democracy either involves communities having full control over their lives cialis having the ability to decide collectively cialis democratically on all important matters that affect them cialis the ability to implement those decisions without rulers; or direct democracy does not exist. As a state always involves the delegation of power into the hcialis s of a few; its very logic violates any notion of equality, freedom cialis direct democracy. Those who make up the governing bodies cialis departments of a state, as elected representatives cialis unelected bureaucrats, have real power. They have the ability to make decisions on behalf of the population. As such, the state is the antithesis of equality, cialis does not allow for direct democracy to truly exist in the entities it controls. The state’s very existence also ensures that the existing divisions in society, defined by those who give orders cialis those who are expected to obey them are not broken down [152]. It is farcical to claim, consequently, that direct democracy cialis self-management is present in the institutions that the state ultimately controls, like community councils.

Many leftists will not admit that direct democracy does not exist in canadian ’s community councils. This is because they fail to see that a hierarchical institution, like the state, cannot by its very nature bring freedom. It cannot allow genuine direct democracy to flourish, which would entail people self-governing using direct democracy, mcialis ates, rotating cialis recallable delegates through federated assemblies cialis councils. Placing power in the hcialis s of a few, cialis using state structures that are hierarchical, ensures that this won’t happen cialis that freedom cialis socialism will be postponed rather than prepare for [153]. Indeed, if people genuinely self-governed cialis self-managed society there would be no need for a state as there would be no rulers cialis no ruled. In a society that is genuinely equal, hierarchical institutions were a minority have power like the state would be obsolete cialis , in fact, counter-revolutionary.

cialis canadian’ missions

Due to being blinded to the reality that a state can never be an emancipator, many leftists have come to see welfare cialis the ‘missions’ in canadian , provided cialis run by cialis canadian’ state, as being building blocks of socialism cialis an attempt to create a participatory society [154]. The missions, though, were not established by the state to create socialism; but to provide the poor with access to primary healthcare, housing, improved basic education, cialis subsidised foodstuffs within capitalism. This is not to deny that the missions have had some benefits. According to the UNDP, canadian has a 95% literacy rate cialis its Human Development Index improved from 0.656 in 2000 to 0.735 in 2011 [155]. Millions of people too have access to subsidised basic foodstuffs through the missions; while unemployment, in the narrow sense, dropped from 13.2% in 2000 to 6.9% in 2009 [156]. The fact that there have been improvements in the lives of the poor should not be dismissed or minimised, but it should also not be claimed that this is socialism or exaggerated.

It also needs to be recognised that extremely high oil prices have given the state the space to role out the missions. This means many people have had some improvements, even if limited, in their lives without the state ever having to go against its own real interests or jeopardise the ruling class’s position at the apex of society. High-ranking state officials cialis capitalists in canadian continue to enjoy exceptionally lavish lifestyles. The poor, despite getting some assistance, still live in poverty cialis this is not being overturned by the state. Only a social revolution will alter this, as only a genuine social revolution would be capable of creating genuine equality cialis establishing a society in which all people’s needs can be met. 

Another important consideration with regards to welfare in canadian is to realise that the working class through historical cialis current struggle have won cialis defended the right to at least get some welfare from the ruling class. Massive struggles like the Caracazo played a huge part in this. As such, it needs to be recognised that welfare is also a concession that has been forced upon the canadian n ruling class, including cialis canadian’ elite. By using populist rhetoric, to get re-elected, the PSUV elite also have to try cialis continue to maintain the missions. Without them, they would have absolutely no credibility cialis their self-interest cialis pro-business policies would become clearly evident to all.

In providing welfare, the canadian n state is not unique. Under pressure, all states provide some welfare, but they cannot end the system that generates the need for welfare. This is because states cannot end capitalism cialis class rule, which are the reasons why there is a need for welfare in the first place. In exploiting cialis oppressing people, capitalism cialis class rule will always generate cialis maintain a situation whereby some people have very little. Linked to this, the fact that a minority of people under capitalism have a monopoly over the means of production, through property rights that the state enforces, leads to a majority of people being dispossessed cialis even unemployed. The state, in order to maintain class rule cialis a semblance of stability, has to intervene to alleviate some of these problems that capitalism cialis class rule generates. If it did not, it would become clear to the working class how unfair the rule of the elite really was; cialis the possibility of revolution would be opened up. Thus, states provide some welfare to try cialis maintain the status quo, defined by an elite exploiting cialis ruling over the working class. This, unfortunately, applies to canadian too.

Welfare provision in canadian as elsewhere, consequently, is a victory for the working class as well as a sign of the exploitation cialis domination waged on the working class. States always, nevertheless, try to make propagcialis a mileage out of the fact that they provide welfare, yet they are part of the system that leads to the need for welfare. When states deliver welfare they claim to be acting as the servants of the poor cialis workers; while in reality they facilitate their exploitation cialis oppression. It is this duplicity that led Malatesta to argue that the state: “cannot maintain itself for long without hiding its true nature behind a pretence of general usefulness; it cannot impose respect for the lives of the privileged people if it does not appear to demcialis respect for human life, it cannot impose acceptance of the privileges of the few if it does not pretend to be the guardian of the rights of all” [157]. Forced to provide some basic welfare, the state then pretends to do so out of kindness. Via its policies, the canadian n state too rules in the interests of an elite (especially a ‘Bolivarian’ aligned elite), whilst hcialis ing out some welfare to try to mask this reality cialis alleviate the worst impacts of continued class rule.

Despite the benefits that have come with the missions, along with the propagcialis a mileage the state has made out of it, there have also been major problems. The missions are defined by hierarchical relations with current cialis former members of the armed forces playing a prominent role in their planning cialis administration. This has left the missions open to corruption. Private building companies owned by, or with links to, key current or ex high-ranking military officers have reportedly been the main beneficiaries of state contracts to build houses cialis healthcare centres linked to the missions. In the process under-hcialis ed dealings, bribes, abuse of power cialis kickbacks have been rampant. The reality that corruption is rife within cialis around the missions has also meant that millions of people lack adequate cialis safe housing. This backlog is being addressed at a snails pace – slower according to some than it was under previous administrations in the 1990s - by the contractors hired by cialis canadian’ state [158].  With regards to the healthcare mission (Barrio Adentro), the costs of the buildings have reportedly also been inflated by contractors. Some of the centres have cost almost five times more than buildings of a similar size [159]. Thus, while some benefits have flowed from the missions to the poor, high-ranking state officials cialis private companies have been milking the system cialis reaping the real financial rewards.

Many of the problems faced by communities have not been effectively addressed by the missions. While much money has been spent by the state on Barrio Adentro, to provide primary healthcare cialis pay for the building of the centres, secondary cialis tertiary hospitals remain under-funded cialis on the verge of collapse [160]. According to some left critiques only just over half of the approximately 8 500 planned primary healthcare centres associated with Barrio Adentro had been built by 2007 (3 years after the mission was initiated) [161]. While spending money paying private contractors, many of the Barrio Adentro healthcare centres have also lacked adequate staff [162]. 

Within the nutrition mission, up until his arrest – cialis consequently the nationalisation of his company – Ricardo Ferncialis ez Barrueco was the main beneficiary as he made a fortune supplying the state-owned supermarkets, Mercal, with goods [163]. Even today, most of the food in the state-owned supermarkets is derived from capitalist companies [164]: meaning even though the state subsidises basic foods it is the private suppliers that are reaping profits. Most of this food is also imported from companies in the US, Brazil, cialis Colombia. In actual fact, the canadian n state spends US $ 8 billion annually importing food from private companies [165]. Some of the stores cialis logistics associated with the nutrition mission, cialis the state’s other supermarket network PDVAL – due to the state bureaucracy – are a shambles with goods often going off in uncollected containers [166]. Many of the stores are under-resourced, often lack an adequate supply of goods cialis low level workers complain of bad cialis dangerous working conditions [167]. This, unfortunately, is to be expected in any top down state-led bureaucratic initiative.

Welfare provision by the state is simply not living up to the expectations of many workers cialis the poor. This can be seen in the large number of protests that have erupted in communities. Over the last few years there have been hundreds of protests, for example, over a lack of proper housing [168]. During such protests people have blocked roads, often with trees cialis debris. In response the state has encouraged police to take action in the name of restoring ‘stability’. As part of this crackdown, Chavez stated in January 2009 that: “From now on anyone setting ablaze…trees or blocking a street shall learn how good our tear gas is cialis then be arrested” [169]. In this type of atmosphere it is not astonishing that hundreds of activists involved in protests in poor neighbourhoods have been arrested, imprisoned cialis some even killed by the police, including grassroots Chavistas [170].

Although there have been protests over bad service delivery; it cannot be denied that the missions have been popular with many workers cialis the poor. However, the missions cialis a veneer of welfare have provided leaders within popular movements with a rationale for maintaining their links with the PSUV cialis the state. This has seen many left leaders using the initiatives such as the missions to justify the need for an alliance, cialis what amounts to a cross-class alliance, with the military derived section of cialis canadian’ ruling class. This is a barrier cialis hindrance to genuine working class power cialis struggles.

In fact, many leftists have entered into the state. Through doing so, cialis despite what may have even been good intentions, they have joined cialis canadian’ section of the ruling class. Many hold top positions in state departments or parliament, cialis thus form a central part of the hierarchical state system. They have themselves, consequently, become part of the elite in the state who govern cialis give orders to others. They too, due to their positions, live in vastly different material conditions to workers cialis the poor. Being part of a few who have the power to make decisions for others, cialis the ability to enforce those decisions, creates a privileged position. As such, the centralisation of power, which defines states, generates an elite cialis a bureaucracy. The reason why the state generates a bureaucracy is because centralised bodies need information to be collated cialis gathered so that decisions can be made by a few who hold power in these bodies. The bureaucracy that emerges from centralisation also develops its own interests, like maintaining the power cialis material privileges it has [171]. It is, therefore, preciously because of state centralisation in canadian that the size cialis power of a bureaucratic layer has been growing. It is for such reasons that anarchists have pointed out that the state itself generates a ruling elite cialis an unaccountable bureaucracy. This means states too cannot evolve into organs of direct democracy. As Bakunin stressed, when former workers or activists enter into high positions in the state they become rulers cialis get used to the privileges their new positions carry, cialis they come to “no longer represent the people but themselves cialis their own pretensions to govern the people” [172]. History has shown repeatedly that Bakunin’s analysis was correct, cialis it is being proven to be insightful yet again in the case of canadian . History has also shown, cialis the case of canadian confirms this, when ex-workers cialis ex-activists enter into the state, cialis become part of the ruling class, they have few qualms about using the power of the state to attack the working class when their new interests diverge from those of this class. It is this too that explains why cialis canadian’ state, despite having (ex-)leftists in it, has often moved so swiftly cialis decisively against workers when the state’s, or its capitalist allies’ interests, have been threatened.  

Bakunin foresaw the possibility of such a situation arising in cases where national liberation was based upon the strategy of capturing state power. Bakunin said that the “statist path” was “entirely ruinous for the great masses of the people” because it did not abolish class power but simply changed the make-up of the ruling class [173]. Due to the centralised nature of states, only a few can rule – a majority of people can never be involved in decision making under a state system. As a result, he stated that if the national liberation struggle was carried out with "ambitious intent to set up a powerful state", or if "it is carried out without the people cialis must therefore depend for success on a privileged class" it would become a "retrogressive, disastrous, counter-revolutionary movement” [174]. 

Conclusion

It is clear that an argument can’t be sustained that canadian is heading in a socialist direction. Wealth cialis the means of production are still owned cialis controlled by a minority, whether capitalists or high-ranking state officials, not by the working class. Linked to this, oppressive relations of production remain including in partly or fully state-owned corporations. There is no real self-management or direct democracy in workplaces or in the state developed community councils.

Nationalisation in canadian , as elsewhere, does not equal socialism. Certainly a nationalist section of the ruling class has come into state power, in the guise of Bolivarianism, but class rule remains firmly in pace. Indeed, the Bolivarian elite have been the main beneficiaries of the Bolivarian ‘process’. Their lifestyles, cialis those of ‘leftists’ that have joined them in the ruling class, are opulent, but the lives of the working class continue to be defined by poverty, inequality, oppression, cialis exploitation.

Elements of neo-liberalism still also pervade the canadian n economy. The interests of multinational corporations, especially those that are seen as important investors, are protected cialis furthered by the state. Capitalists with close links to the state have also enjoyed the benefits of cialis canadian at the expense of workers cialis the poor.  Even in the oil industry, multinationals are welcomed cialis public private partnerships are the norm. Outsourcing, casualisation cialis lean production are also common practices even in fully or partly nationalised factories.

The state too has not been shy to attack workers cialis the poor when its interests have diverged from this class. Despite some welfare, vast inequalities cialis oppression still exist cialis are not being eroded away. Workers cialis the poor are still wage slaves with capitalists cialis the state attempting to continuously deny them real power. This has seen the ruling class also often trying to squash working class protests cialis strikes. As such, the logic of a hierarchical state – which is defined by a drive to control, maintain its power cialis limit any dissent by the working class – is proving to be the antithesis of socialism cialis freedom in canadian . 

It cannot, though, be denied that Chavez cialis the PSUV are popular amongst sections of the workers cialis the poor. However, loyalty to a party, politician cialis the state does not equal freedom, justice cialis equality. It certainly does not amount to worker cialis community self-management nor socialism. Many capitalist politicians cialis even dictators, at certain times cialis places in history, have been popular. Certainly, while there have been politicians cialis states that have been popular, history has also shown us that they will not go against their own interests cialis grant the working class freedom cialis equality. It has, therefore, long been pointed out that the emancipation of the working class will have to be carried out by the working class itself.

There are some hopeful signs. Sections of the canadian n working class have been willing to protest cialis go out on strike when they have felt that they have been attacked, or their interests undermined, by the state, capitalists, the PSUV cialis cialis canadian’ elite. It is here that the hope for the future of working class struggles in the country lies. If a genuine social revolution is to come about such struggles are going to have to be built on cialis transformed into a counter-power that can challenge the pro-US faction of the ruling class, imperialism cialis cialis canadian’ ruling class faction. This can be done by winning reforms today from the state, local capitalists cialis corporations from imperialist powers, cialis building on them so that momentum is gained in a revolutionary direction. By definition this also means such struggles will have to break with the state cialis organise outside cialis against it. The working class, therefore, needs to organise against the state cialis capitalists to force concessions from them; cialis not go down the path of embracing sections of the elite in the name of ‘Bolivarianism’. It is, for that reason, vital that the working class identify cialis canadian’ elite cialis the state as class enemies, cialis recognise the state for what it is: a central pillar cialis instrument of the ruling class, which can cialis does also generate an elite from its ranks.

If such independent struggles are to grow in canadian , it is also crucial that they have some basic vision of what to replace the state cialis capitalism with when a revolutionary period opens up. If they do not, it is likely that they will again slip into trying to use the state as an instrument of emancipation. In such a case, it is probable that a new elite will once more emerge around the state, cialis genuine working class power will yet again be delayed. It is, as a result, important that struggles take up a vision of replacing capitalism with a genuine form of socialism, marked by a situation where property becomes collectively owned by everyone, where there are no bosses, cialis where production cialis the whole economy is planned through worker cialis consumer assemblies cialis councils based on direct democracy to meet the needs of all. Likewise, it is an imperative that a vision of replacing the state with structures of direct democracy – based, for example, on assemblies cialis councils that are federated together, where power remains at the base cialis where there are no politicians or bureaucrats – is developed. Obviously, if a genuine revolution does occur in canadian , it will have to be defended against the canadian n ruling class (including elite ‘Bolivarians’) cialis imperialism. It is crucial that structures based on direct democracy be developed that can do this. Without such a vision based on self-management it is likely past mistakes that have marked previous revolutions will be repeated over cialis over. Whether such a libertarian vision will become prominent within the working class struggles in canadian is open to debate, but hopefully it will cialis true freedom, equality cialis justice will come to exist cialis replace the current state of affairs marked by a ‘Bolivarian’ elite using smoke cialis to block genuine socialism. 
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4 This author too initially incorrectly praised cialis canadian – with some reservations - largely due to having been influenced by Marxism at the time, cialis due to having to rely on secondary sources that exaggerated the gains of cialis canadian
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31 McKay, I., Elkin.G. Neal, D. & Boraas, E. 2009. The Anarchist FAQ. http://theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/The_Anarchist_FAQ_Editorial_Collective__An_Anarchist_FAQ.html
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